新自由主义的本质(一)网(2)
2014-08-15 01:03
导读：11)Thus we see how the neoliberal utopia tends to embody itself in the reality of a kind of infernal machine, whose necessity imposes itself even upon the rulers. Like the Marxism of an earlier time,
11)Thus we see how the neoliberal utopia tends to embody itself in the reality of a kind of infernal machine, whose necessity imposes itself even upon the rulers. Like the Marxism of an earlier time, with which, in this regard, it has much in common, this utopia evokes powerful belief - the free trade faith - not only among those who live off it, such as financiers, the owners and managers of large corporations, etc., but also among those, such as high-level government officials and politicians, who derive their justification for existing from it. For they sanctify the power of markets in the name of economic efficiency, which requires the elimination of administrative or political barriers capable of inconveniencing the owners of capital in their individual quest for the maximisation of individual profit, which has been turned into a model of rationality. They want independent central banks. And they preach the subordination of nation-states to the requirements of economic freedom for the masters of the economy, with the suppression of any regulation of any market, beginning with the labour market, the prohibition of deficits and inflation, the general privatisation of public services, and the reduction of public and social expenses.
因此，我们看到了新自由主义的乌托邦往往体现在一个地狱般的机器，其本身必须规定一种现实，甚至在自己的统治者中。如同马克思主义的一个较早的时间，通过它，在这方面，有许多共同之处，这乌托邦唤起强大的信念 - 不仅在那些谁住在它如融资，自由贸易的信心 - 业主和管理人员大公司，等等，而且其中，如高级别政府官员和政治家，谁从中得到他们现有的理由。因为他们在神圣的经济效益，这需要行政或政治障碍的不便在他们的个人利益，这已成为一种模式的理性最大化转向追求个人能力的资本所有者的名义，消除市场的力量。他们希望独立的中央银行。他们宣扬民族国家服从为经济的主人的经济自由的要求,随着对市场调节的压制,从劳动力市场开始,赤字和通货膨胀，禁止市民的普遍私有化服务，以及公共和社会开支减少。12)Economists may not necessarily share the economic and social interests of the true believers and may have a variety of individual psychic states regarding the economic and social effects of the utopia which they cloak with mathematical reason. Nevertheless, they have enough specific interests in the field of economic science to contribute decisively to the production and reproduction of belief in the neoliberal utopia. Separated from the realities of the economic and social world by their existence and above all by their intellectual formation, which is most frequently purely abstract, bookish, and theoretical, they are particularly inclined to confuse the things of logic with the logic of things.
中国大学排名
经济学家并不一定分享真实信徒的经济和社会利益，并可能有一个关于他们的乌托邦与数学原因斗篷的经济和社会影响个人的心理状态不同。然而，他们有足够的在经济科学领域的具体利益作出决定性贡献的生产和再生产的新自由主义乌托邦信念。分隔他们的存在及以上都是由他们的智力形成，这是最常见的纯粹抽象的，书本和理论从经济和社会世界的现实，他们特别倾向于混淆的东西，逻辑的东西。
13)These economists trust models that they almost never have occasion to submit to the test of experimental verification and are led to look down upon the results of the other historical sciences, in which they do not recognise the purity and crystalline transparency of their mathematical games, whose true necessity and profound complexity they are often incapable of understanding. They participate and collaborate in a formidable economic and social change. Even if some of its consequences horrify them (they can join the socialist party and give learned counsel to its representatives in the power structure), it cannot displease them because, at the risk of a few failures, imputable to what they sometimes call "speculative bubbles", it tends to give reality to the ultra-logical utopia (ultra-logical like certain forms of insanity) to which they consecrate their lives.
这些经济学家信任那些他们几乎从未有机会提交了实验验证测试的模型，并导致了其他的眼光来看待历史科学，他们不承认他们的纯度和数学游戏，其晶体的透明度真正的必要性和深刻的复杂性，他们往往无法理解。他们参与合作了一个强大的经济和社会变革。即使其后果的一些惊吓他们（它们可以加入社会党，学会律师的权力结构及其代表给予），也不能得罪，因为在几个失败，归咎于他们有时也称危险之中“投机泡沫“，它往往给现实的极端逻辑的乌托邦（超（极端逻辑就像某种疯狂形式的逻辑），以他们奉献自己的生命。
（科教论文网 lw.nSeAc.com编辑发布）
14)And yet the world is there, with the immediately visible effects of the implementation of the great neoliberal utopia: not only the poverty of an increasingly large segment of the most economically advanced societies, the extraordinary growth in income differences, the progressive disappearance of autonomous universes of cultural production, such as film, publishing, etc., through the intrusive imposition of commercial values, but also and above all two major trends. First is the destruction of all the collective institutions capable of counteracting the effects of the infernal machine, primarily those of the state, repository of all of the universal values associated with the idea of the public realm. Second is the imposition everywhere, in the upper spheres of the economy and the state as at the heart of corporations, of that sort of moral Darwinism that, with the cult of the winner, schooled in higher mathematics and bungee jumping, institutes the struggle of all against all and cynicism as the norm of all action and behaviour.
然而，世界上还有，同伟大的新自由主义的乌托邦实施立即可见的效果：不仅是一个经济上最先进的社会越来越大，部分贫困，收入差异越加明显，自主的文化生产领域快速地消失，
如
电影，出版等，通过商业价值强加侵扰，而且更重要的所有两个主要趋势。首先是所有的集体机构抗衡的能力地狱般的机器的影响，主要是国家的，对与公共领域联系在一起的普遍价值的所有档案库的毁灭。二是实行无处不在，在经济领域上和国家为在该公司的核心达尔文主义的道德排序，即，与邪教的冠军，在高等数学和蹦极受过教育，研究机构的斗争对所有和玩世不恭的所有作为一切行动和行为规范。
15)Can it be expected that the extraordinary mass of suffering produced by this sort of political-economic regime will one day serve as the starting point of a movement capable of stopping the race to the abyss? Indeed, we are faced here with an extraordinary paradox. The obstacles encountered on the way to realising the new order of the lone, but free individual are held today to be imputable to rigidities and vestiges. All direct and conscious intervention of whatever kind, at least when it comes from the state, is discredited in advance and thus condemned to efface itself for the benefit of a pure and anonymous mechanism, the market, whose nature as a site where interests are exercised is forgotten. But in reality, what keeps the social order from dissolving into chaos, despite the growing volume of the endangered population, is the continuity or survival of those very institutions and representatives of the old order that is in the process of being dismantled, and all the work of all of the categories of social workers, as well as all the forms of social solidarity, familial or otherwise.
由这种政治经济体制所产生的混乱有一天却变成了阻止进入深渊的一场运动的开始.事实上，我们正面临着这里不平凡的悖论。遇到的障碍的道路上实现了新秩序的孤独，但自由人今天将举行归咎于僵化和遗迹。任何种类的所有直接和有意识的干预，至少在它从状态来了，是不可信提前从而注定要抹去的单纯，匿名的原理的利益本身，其本质是利益运行的点的市场被遗忘了。但在现实中，什么使陷入混乱的社会秩序瓦解，尽管人口增长量的濒危，是连续性或这些机构和非常旧秩序，在生存的过程是代表被拆除，所有的工作的社会工作者所有类别，以及所有形式的社会团结，家庭或以其他方式..
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16)The transition to "liberalism" takes place in an imperceptible manner, like continental drift, thus hiding its effects from view. Its most terrible consequences are those of the long term. These effects themselves are concealed, paradoxically, by the resistance to which this transition is currently giving rise among those who defend the old order by drawing on the resources it contained, on old solidarities, on reserves of social capital that protect an entire portion of the present social order from falling into anomie. This social capital is fated to wither away - although not in the short run - if it is not renewed and reproduced.
对“自由主义”的过渡是以一种潜移默化的方式进行的，如大陆漂移，从而从视图中隐藏的影响。 其最可怕的后果是长期的。 这本身就是隐蔽，矛盾的影响，自相矛盾地是，抵制而目前这一过渡是放弃对社会资通过它拥有的资源，旧团结，能从混乱中保护当代社会秩序的全部部分的社会资金的储备来防卫旧秩序从而抵制目前这一过渡。 这种社会资本是注定要消亡 - 虽然不是在短期内 - 如果它不更新和复制。
17)But these same forces of "conservation", which it is too easy to treat as conservative, are also, from another point of view, forces of resistance to the establishment of the new order and can become subversive forces. If there is still cause for some hope, it is that forces still exist, both in state institutions and in the orientations of social actors (notably individuals and groups most attached to these institutions, those with a tradition of civil and public service) that, under the appearance of simply defending an order that has disappeared and its corresponding "privileges" (which is what they will immediately be accused of), will be able to resist the challenge only by working to invent and construct a new social order. One that will not have as its only law the pursuit of egoistic interests and the individual passion for profit and that will make room for collectives oriented toward the rational pursuit of ends collectively arrived at and collectively ratified.
但是，这些同样的“保护” 力量，它是太容易被认为是保守派，也从另一个角度来看，在对抗的新秩序建立的力量，可以成为颠覆力量。 如果仍然导致一些希望，那就是无论在部队还是存在国家机构与社会行动者（特别是个人，最会附属到三个群体机构的方向，是那些有传统的民用及公共服务）的，在简单地维护一个已消失，其相应的“特权”（这是什么，他们将立即被指责为外观），将能够抵御的挑战，只有努力创造和构建新的社会秩序。 一，不会有法律作为其唯一的利己利益和个人对利润的追求和热情，将作出对理性的追求导向集体室集体和集体批准在抵达目的。
18)How could we not make a special place among these collectives, associations, unions, and parties for the state: the nation-state, or better yet the supranational state - a European state on the way toward a world state - capable of effectively controlling and taxing the profits earned in the financial markets and, above of all, of counteracting the destructive impact that the latter have on the labour market. This could be done with the aid of labour unions by organising the elaboration and defence of the public interest. Like it or not, the public interest will never emerge, even at the cost of a few mathematical errors, from the vision of accountants (in an earlier period one would have said of "shopkeepers") that the new belief system presents as the supreme form of human accomplishment.
我们怎么可以不为国家-某个国家或跨国界的国家,有能力有效控制并对金融市场所获利润收税,且首先能对抗金融市场和劳务市场的毁灭性冲击的走向世界化的欧洲国家,在这集体,社团,工会和政党中留出一块特殊的场地.这项工作可以同工会通过组织拟定和公众利益的免责辩护援助。 不管你喜欢与否，公众利益永远不会出现，即使以少数数学错误作为代价，从会计师的角度来看（在较早时期叫做“店主”），新的信仰体系作为人类成就的最高形式来呈现的。 （转载自http://zw.NSEAC.com科教作文网）
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（1）奥古斯特瓦尔拉斯（1800年至1866年），法国经济学家，德拉性质德拉财富等德拉'的起源德拉价值（“撰文对财富的性质和来源的价值”）（1848年）。他是第一个尝试应用数学经济调查之一。 （2）欧文戈夫曼。 1961。 精神病院：在对精神病人的社会状况和其他犯人散文。 纽约：奥尔代代格鲁伊特。 （3）看到两个杂志致力于“新军问题的形式对劳动的统治丹斯”（“在新的工作形式统治”），Actes德拉，脊髓灰质炎恩社会科学杂志，114刊，1996年9月，115，1996年12月特别是由加布里埃尔鲍拉日和迈克尔 皮亚卢，“杜劳苦危机等杜导言政治危机”[工作危机和政治危机]，114刊：3到4页.
