知识分子、民工、下岗工人的阶级关系(3)
2017-08-19 05:51
导读：很可恶的是，中国的某些新左用文化民族主义和国家民族主义来煽动贫困的大众，用民族主义来掩盖真实的阶级矛盾和阶级斗争，用一种民族主义和国家爱
很可恶的是，中国的某些新左用文化民族主义和国家民族主义来煽动贫困的大众，用民族主义来掩盖真实的阶级矛盾和阶级斗争，用一种民族主义和国家爱国主义的自豪感，来替代社会主义建设里的挫折感。在目前的国家体系里和世界政治‘阵营’里，他们对革命和革命群众的情绪和情感上的利用，类似纳粹对其人民的政治和心理上的控制。他们用一些半宗教的民族主义版本，用爱国主义这样的国家宗教（索雷尔坚持：无产阶级必须自始至终将反爱国主义当作自己的社会主义策略〖《对暴力的反思》，巴黎，1946年，281页〗）来掩盖和替代国际、国内的真实的阶级关系和阶级斗争，引诱人民在民族和阶级，民族主义和作为阶级意识形态的社会主义、国际主义和野蛮主义之间作虚假的选择。可恶的是，这甚至都不是中国新左的某些人的创意，而是在重复历史上中国革命知识分子们的类似策略。巴利巴在《群众、阶级和观念》和《政治和其它场景》里对当代社会主义国家内的种种民族主义还魂的原因，和第三世界国家如何利用人民身上的健康的民族主义情怀有很好的阐释，我试将另文介绍。
最重要的是，我们今天（不能再拖了！）必须认识到，知识分子（革命的或进步的或自由主义的或文化再生产的）无论在历史上还是在今天，从来都是一个政治上的‘问题主体’，知识分子从来也都与无产阶级之间存在着阶级矛盾和阶级斗争。革命的、进步的知识分子通过‘无产阶级政党’这个政治行动装置的中介来与无产阶级会合的这一企图，是一个飘飘欲仙的计划，从来没有在任何历史阶段上实现过，看来也将永远不会有成功实现的一天。索雷尔和葛兰西向我们指出，知识分子是被资本主义利用的文化工具（葛兰西更是惊人地指出，有产者和当权者自己往往就是知识分子！〖《读本》，同上，301页〗），前者所乐道的那种‘先天下忧’、‘关心民间疾苦’但同时也与主导阶级打得火热的那种所谓的‘有机性’，使它成为各种有机意识形态的生产者。华勒斯坦也说过〖《历史性资本主义与资本主义文明》，同上，83, 88页〗：知识分子的普遍主义话语‘served to direct the activities of the bourgeoisie of other states and various middle strata world-wide into channels that would maximize the close integration of production process and the smooth operation of the interstate system, thereby facilitating the accumulation of capital. This required the creation of a world bourgeois cultural framework that could be grafted onto ‘national’ variations. This was particularly important in terms of science and technology, but also in the realm of political ideas and the social sciences.’即使某些新左知识分子选定的文化民族主义也决不能抵挡住资本积累的压力，因为，首先, ‘the unit chosen as the vehicle to contain the culture tended to be the state that was a member of the interstate system…the assertion of a state-encased national culture inevitably involved as much supression of continuities as reassertiion of them. In all cases, it reinforced the state structures, and thus the interstate system, and historical capitalism as a world-system…….其次，……cultural nationalism like ‘socialist culture’ has often been a major stalwart of the universal ideology of the modern world, purveying it to the world’s work-forces in ways they found more platable. In this sense, the anti-systemic movements have often served as the cultural intermediaries of the powerful to the weak, vitiating rather than crystalizing their deep-rooted sources of resistance.’知识分子爱打的那张文化民族主义的牌，也是世界资本主义体系最喜欢的玩的〖《地缘政治和地缘文化》，194页〗，但是：文化抵抗 可成为抵抗的一部分，但我们一这样做，就不得不用主导者定下的标准来证明我们所倡导的文化身份和文化价值的有效性，去向那些文明者看齐，给西方中心论喝了彩。‘If we deliberately assert (or reassert) particular cultural values that have been neglected or disparaged in order to protest against the imposition of the cultural values of the strong upon the weaker, we are, to be sure, strengthening the weaker in their political struggles, within a given state, within the world-system as a whole. But we are then pressed to prove the validity of our asserted values in terms of criteria laid down by the powerful…The planners of cultural resistance, in planning the assertion of some particular culture, are in effect (re) legitimating the concept of universal values.’
